This is an era when the Islamic World is making a range of attempts to redefine itself and to grapple with the challenges of modernity. Many schools of thought have emerged which seek to position modern Islam within the context of a rapidly changing contemporary world. Exploring and defining the relationship between religion and knowledge, Ismail Rafi Al-Faruqi, a distinguished 20th century Arab-American scholar of Islam, formulated ideas which have made substantial contributions to the Islam-and-modernity discourse. His review of the (...) interaction between Islam and knowledge examines the philosophy behind this relationship, and the ways in which Islam can relate to our understanding of science, the arts, architecture, technology and other knowledge-based fields of enquiry. This book includes contributions from Seyyed Hossein Nasr, John Esposito, Charles Fletcher and others, and will prove an essential reference point for scholars of Islam and students of philosophy and comparative religion. (shrink)

This is an era when the Islamic World is making a range of attempts to redefine itself and to grapple with the challenges of modernity. Many schools of thought have emerged which seek to position modern Islam within the context of a rapidly changing contemporary world. Exploring and defining the relationship between religion and knowledge, Ismail Rafi Al-Faruqi, a distinguished 20th century Arab-American scholar of Islam, formulated ideas which have made substantial contributions to the Islam-and-modernity discourse. His review of the (...) interaction between Islam and knowledge examines the philosophy behind this relationship, and the ways in which Islam can relate to our understanding of science, the arts, architecture, technology and other knowledge-based fields of enquiry. This book includes contributions from Seyyed Hossein Nasr, John Esposito, Charles Fletcher and others, and will prove an essential reference point for scholars of Islam and students of philosophy and comparative religion. (shrink)

On theory of knowledge from Islamic perspective related to Ismaʼil R. Al-Faruqi, a Palestinian American philosopher.

Abstract Despite various criticisms, Ian Barbour's fourfold classification of the possible relationships between religion and science remains influential. I compare Barbour's taxonomy with the theories of four authors who, in the last four decades, have addressed the relationship between science and religion from a Muslim perspective. The aim of my analysis is twofold. First, I offer a comparative perspective to the debate on science and Islam. Second, following Barbour's suggestion, I test the general applicability of his categories by comparing them (...) with a discourse on science and religion that is not focused on Christianity. In the first section, I reconstruct Barbour's typologies, recalling some major objections to them, and arguing why despite the latter, Barbour's model is employed for the present analysis. I also reconstruct Barbour's parallel model for the relationships between different religions. In the second section, I reconstruct the discourse on science and religion developed by the Palestinian-American scholar Ismail Raji al-Faruqi. The third section is devoted to the ideas of the Persian-American scholar Seyyed Hossein Nasr. In the fourth section, I examine the views of the Iranian author Mehdi Golshani. The fifth section reconstructs the theories of the Algerian author Nidhal Guessoum. In the final section, I argue that a generalized use of the “integration” concept to refer to the entire debate on Islam and science is unhelpful. While these positions do not appear to instantiate Barbourian integration of science and religion, they do move toward what Barbour (skeptically) describes as integration between religions. (shrink)

Due to ethical lapses of leaders, interest in ethical leadership has grown, raising important questions about the responsibility of leaders in ensuring moral and ethical conduct. Research conducted on ethical leadership failed to investigate the active role that the characteristics of ethical climate and organisational justice have an increasing or decreasing influence on the ethical leadership in the organisation’s outcomes of employees’ ethical behaviour. Thus, this study examined the dual-mediations of work ethical climate and organisational justice on the relation of (...) ethical leadership and ethical behaviour of employees. A total of 620 full-time employees from five Iraqi provinces working at 33 Iraqi organisations in the field of manufacturing, retailing, medical, insurance, information technology, legal, finance, and telecommunication responded to the questionnaire survey. Structural equation modelling (SEM) was used to test the model and data analysis was carried out using structural equation modelling-partial least square (SEM-PLS). The results revealed that there is a significant relationship between ethical leadership behaviour and the ethical behaviour of employees. Primarily, the study also found that ethical climate and organisational justice play a very significant mediating role between ethical leadership and employees’ ethical behaviour. (shrink)

Sufi group mainly dictates its followers to distance themselves from worldy affairs and to live in religious seclusion. This article offers a distinct perspective on the study of sufism through examining the political activities of the sufi group the Tarekat Qa>diriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah of Cukir in Indonesia and the group’s political patron, the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan. The article benefits form a French philosopher Michel Foucault’s concept of geneology and the notion of knowledge to better comprehend the nature of political activism (...) of a sufi group. It further argues that basic concept of student and master relationship in Sufism is explaining the politics of sufism in contemporary Indonesia. The mutual relation between leaders of the sufi group and the PPP has facilitated the crossing boundaries of Sufi basic principle of non-participatory politics. (shrink)

In _Knowing God_, Ismail Lala investigates the nature of God and whether we can truly know Him according to the influential mystic, Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ʿArabī, and his disciple, ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Qāshānī.

Al-Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān, The Disagreements of the Jurists: A Manual of Islamic Legal Theory. Edited and translated by Devin J. Stewart. Library of Arabic Literature. New York: New York University Press, 2015. Pp. xxxviii + 405. $40.

The practitioner of the shamanic system among the Bugis-Makassar people in Indonesia is known as dukun or sanro, a person believed has a supranatural power, using their power either to help others or bringing harm, such as disease”. This is an interpretative-descriptive anthropological research. We made observations by directly observing, listening, and recording events related to the problem. We also conducted in-depth interviews with dukun and customers using interview guides and other tools such as recorders. We found that there are (...) several types and characteristics of dukun in Makassar, such as dukun penolong (helpers), traditional healers, and dukun using black magic. In Bugis-Makassar social structure, dukun does not have a clear position even with some of the stigma. However, dukun nowadays is becoming more open and increasingly strengthening their position in society, especially in the political arena. Dukun, along with several people believing them cannot be assessed from the rational point of view since they have their own reasoning and logic (rationality behind irrationality). They still function in the socio-political life of Indonesian society. The mysticism practiced by politicians in Indonesia, especially in Makassar, is shown when politicians such as several regional head candidates used the services of dukun to boost their success in winning the regional election. For example, dukun can help candidates to create an aura of authority, protect the candidates from black magic, create illusions to the voters, influence the voters, and other supranatural things. The customers, such as politicians, tend to have their own motivation based on rationality when deciding to have a relationship with a dukun. Motivation for seeking spiritual and political supports by utilizing the network of dukun for political purposes has a reciprocal effect which benefits both parties. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The connection between the unity of God and the multiplicity seen in the universe represents the central concern for the Sufi thinker, Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240). It deeply affected the thought of the Southeast Asian mystic, Ḥamza Fanṣūrī (d. 1590?), and his alleged disciple, Shams al-Dīn al-Sumatra’ī (d. 1630). Traces of this idea, through its popularisation in the poems of Fanṣūrī, exert a powerful influence on the Indonesian intellectual topography to this day. This article investigates the concept (...) of unity and multiplicity, of the One expressed as the many in the phenomenal world, in Ibn ‘Arabī’s Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam (Ringstones of Wisdom). Through a close textual reading of the chapters of Ādam (Adam) and Ibrāhīm (Abraham) and their various commentaries by the most influential followers of Ibn ‘Arabī, it concludes that the representation of ‘oneness of being’ (waḥdat al-wujūd), which was extensively taught by Fanṣūrī in Aceh, as an erasure of the God-Man divide, is untenable. (shrink)

Muḥyī al-Dīn Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240) is regarded as one of the foremost mystical thinkers in Islam. This paper explores the ways in which he and his followers distinguish between the reality of Muḥammad (al-ḥaqīqa al-Muḥammadiyya) or the light of Muḥammad (al-nūr al-Muḥammadī), as the metaphysical reality of Muḥammad, and his metahistorical manifestation as Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abd Allāh. In his metaphysical reality, Muḥammad is the manifestation of the qur’ān, which ‘brings together’ the divine and His creation. Muḥammad’s metaphysical reality, as (...) the primary recipient of the divine outpouring, enables further differentiations of the divine to emerge in the form of the universe, and establishes his connection to the divine. Yet the Qur’an is also temporal in terms of being an historical act of revelation. Likewise, Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abd Allāh, in terms of his physical reality, was temporally circumscribed. It is in these ways, argues Ibn ‘Arabī and his acolytes, that Muḥammad, as reality and personality, brings together the divine and the temporal, in the same manner as the qur’ān/Qur’an respectively. (shrink)

Tarekat teaches its followers not to glorify conglomerates, to keep their distance from leader, and to live in a way of zuhud, including in the matters of politics. But the Tarekat Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah in Cukir Jombang was actually involved in practical politics as a supporter of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan. This paper, which was written in the form of ethnographic design according to the concept of the power relations of Foucault to find new perspectives about the actions of Tarekat communities (...) in politics, in this case explaining the pattern of relations that occurred between the Tarekat Cukir and PPP and discovering the factors causing Tarekat Cukir to support PPP. This paper concludes that between Tarekat Cukir and PPP, there is a mutually beneficial pattern of relations in terms of proximity, but in terms of economic politics, the Tarekat Cukir feels disadvantaged. The dominant reason the Tarekat Cukir supports PPP is because of the dependence of Santri on their Mursyid who is a PPP politician. This is reinforced by the history between the two parties and the spiritual ties that connect the teachers who are both PPP politicians and Santris. (shrink)

According to the consencus of Muslim world, al-Aqsā Mosque is located in the land of al-Quds (Jerusalem). In this matter, especially the old Sunnite sources are in agreement with each other. However, there are recently some different views regarding the location of al-Aqsā Mosque. It has been argued that al-Aqsā Mosque most likley was built in a location differnet from Jerusalem. One of the defenders of this opinion is Muhammad Hamīdullah, who is a prominent scholar of Islamic studies and considered (...) to be a reliable authority among contemporary Islāmic historians. He claims that al-Aqsā Mosque, which was also mentioned in the Qur’ān, cannot be the Mosque that is present in Jerusalem. Rather, it must be searched in heavens. If this claim is accepted, then numerous reports informing that the mosque is located in Jerusalem and many interpretations based on these reports, will become problematic and controversial. Therefore, it is necessary to examine those claims and the relevant evidence in detail. Following this pueporse, we aim to examine and evaluate those views with a critical approach in this study. In this regard, we will argue that the comments and approaches that have been argued so far, are not consistent. Rather, relevant claims do not rely on strong evidence but only unsatisfactory interpretations. Summary: Muhammad Hamīdullah who is a prominent researcher and well-known for his studies on History of Islām, has individual opinions on some issues, different from classical scholars of Ahlu’s-Sunnah (branch of Islām that accepts the first four caliphs as rightful successors to Muhammad). One of his distinctive views is the original place of Masjid al-Aqsā (al-Aqsā Mosque). He claims that al-Aqsā Mosque was likely located, not in al-Quds (Jerusalem), but in heavens. In this article, our purpose is to examine this matter by evaluating his arguments regarding the place of al-Aqsā Mosque. Hamīdullah’s argument is based on several reasons which are as follows:Miʻrāc (The Ascension) is a journey from the earth to beyond the heavens. According to Hamīdullah, it is illogical to say that, in relation to such a magnificient occurrence, the Holy Qur’ān only mentions the journey from Mecca to Bayt al-Maqdis/al-Quds.Hamīdullah maintains that the expression “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in the first verse of Sūrah al-Isrā means “the remotest Mosque.” However, the Palestinian lands are described as “Adna’l-Arḍ/Nearest Country” in the third verse of Sūrah ar-Rūm. Thus, “the remotest Mosque” should not be “the nearest country”; rather it should be a Mosque in heavens.He also argues that in some Hadith texts, the mosque in question is mentioned as “Masjid al-Aqsā”, but there is a grammatical difference between the phrases of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” and “Masjid al-Aqsā”, which means that the mosque mentioned as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in the Qur’ānic verse does not have a connection with al-Quds (Jerusalem). In his opinion, the expression of “Masjid al-Aqsā” which appears in some Hadith texts is in the form of a noun clause, while the quranic expression “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” is in the form of an adjective clause. Accordingly, “Masjid al-Aqsā” and “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” refer to different places. The noun clause -as in the Hadith texts- of “Masjid al-Aqsā” must be in al-Quds, whereas the Qur’ānic expression in the form of an adjective clause of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” must be a mosque in the heavens.According to his other claim, Abu’l-Yemān, the teacher of the teacher of Bukhārī, when narrating the hadith about mosques, he mentions this mosque, not as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”, but as Īliyā’. That is, according to him, early sources of hadith do not mention the phrase of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”, but instead, the phrase of Īliyā’ was used. Hamīdullah also states “... while narrating this hadith, Muslim does not use the phrases “Masjid al-Aqsā” or “al-Masjid al-Aqsā.” Instead, he uses the phrase Īliyā’.”He also states that the term al-masjid (the mosque) which appears in the seventh verse of Sūrah al-Isrā, was used to refer to that Īliyā’, not to refer to “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”. Likewise, the Umayyad Caliph Abdulmelik (26-86 h.c./646-705 g.c.) built the Dome of the Rock (Masjid al-Saḥra) in al-Quds and named it “Masjid al-Aqsā”. This name became so widespread at the times of Imam al-Bukhārī (194-256 h.c./810/870 g.c.) so that the old name Īliyā’ had been totally forgotten. Because of this reason, some hadith narrators were using this more common name “Masjid al-Aqsā” to express and describe this forgotten name.When we critically evaluate the information and approaches explained above, we come to the conclusion that they are not consistent. First of all, the claim that Masjid al-Aqsā is in the heavens, is in disagreement with the Qur’ānic verses implying that “Masjid al-Aqsā” is in al-Quds, and with many authentic hadith texts that indicate its existence on those lands. Also, the sources of Qur’ānic interpretations (exegeses) and historical narrations refute this claim. On the other hand, there is no Qur’ānic verse or tradition (hadith) that state that Masjid al-Aqsā is in the heavens.We argue that Hamīdullah’s claim “...It is illogical to say that, in relation to such a magnificient occurrence, the Holy Qur’ān only mentions the journey from Mecca to al-Aqsā Mosque in al-Quds” is not very appropriate. Because, it is beyond the human judgment to decide which part of this magnificient journey is more important or which part of it should take place in the Holy Qur’ān. Only Allah has the authority to decide for this. Moreover, we should remember that-as mentioned in the conveyed knowledge- the incident mentioned in the first verse of Sūrah al-Isrā is merely the magnificient journey from Mecca to Masjid al-Aqsā, which was clearly stated in the authentic hadith sources. As for the third verse of Sūrah al-Rūm, it is not correct to claim that Masjid al-Aqsā is not in al-Quds but in the heavens, by reading the text of the verse. Because, the phrase al-arḍ (the earth) has several meanings. Moreover, the phrase al-aqsā (the remotest) in the first verse of Sūrah al-Isrā, refers to distance between the two mosques, not between two countries.In some hadith texts, Masjid al-Aqsā was mentioned as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in the form of a noun clause, but this does not require that the masjid in question should be in the heavens. Because, many hadith texts mention it in the form of an adjective clause. Besides, some hadith texts mention Masjid al-Harām (Great Mosque of Mecca) in the form of a noun clause (Masjid al-Harām), not in the form of an adjective clause (al-Masjid al-Harām). If we consider Hamīdullah’s claim, we should look for the Masjid al-Harām in the heavens, but not on earth. So far, neither he nor anybody else made such a claim.Hamīdullah argues that Abu’l Yemān mentioned this mosque as Īliyā’, but not as al-Masjid al-Aqsā, and claimed that early religious sources do not use the term al-Masjid al-Aqsā. However, this is not a sound argument. Because, the authorities of hadith and history, who lived both before Abu’l Yemān and also at the same era, used the term “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in their works and narrated that this term refers to al-Quds or Bayt al-Maqdis (Masjid al-Aqsā). Moreover, Hamīdullah’s claim that Muslim (a senior hadith scholar) did not use the terms “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” or “Masjid al-Aqsā” but instead he used the name “Īliyā’” is incorrect. Because, while narrating this hadith, the hadith scholar (Muslim) used all three names. As for the term “al-Masjid (the Mosque)” mentioned in Q 17.7, it is a groundless comment to claim that it does not refer to “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in Q 17.1. Because the context of the verses and grammatical rules of Arabic language explicitly prove that the mosque mentioned in the seventh verse refers to “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” which is also mentioned in the first verse.His claim that “the Umayyads named the temple that they built in Jerusalem as “Masjid al-Aqsā” and following the era of Umayyads, in the period of Bukhārī, this naming became widespread” is highly vulnerable and disputable. Because in those times, the temple used to be named as “al-Masjid al-Jami (the Gathering Mosque)”, not as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”. Nearly three centuries after the Umayyads reign, the naming of the said temple was first introduced to be as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”. As for the expression of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” appearing in the early sources of hadith, it was not used for the mosque built by the Umayyads, but was used to mean the entire haram (sacred, respected) region taking place in the south east corner of Jerusalem. In the light of arguments and explanations critically analysed above, we are in a position to argue that Muhammad Hamīdullah’s argument that “Masjid al-Aqsā is in the heavens”, does not rely on sound evidence, but rather, they are only some unsatisfactory interpretations. (shrink)

Makalede, İbn-i Kemâl’in “Risâletun fî Beyâni’l-Uslûbi’l-Hakîm” adlı risalesinde “el-üslûbu’lhakîm” belâğî sanatını incelemesi ele alınmıştır. es-Sekkâkî’nin isim babası olduğu söz konusu sanatın tanımı, örnekleri ve özellikle Kur’ân’daki yansımaları eserin genel konularıdır. es-Sekkâkî’nin tanımıyla sunduğu bazı örnekler arasında tam bir uygunluk olmadığına dikkatleri çeken müellif, konuyu daha doğru bir zemine oturtabilmek için öncelikle mevcut tanımı ıslah etmeye gayret etmiştir. es-Sekkâkî’nin örneklerini her iki bakış açısıyla tartışan Kemâl Paşazâde, yeni örnekler sunarak ilgili sanatın anlaşılmasına önemli katkılarda bulunmuştur. Ayrıca müellifin, âyetlerin daha doğru anlaşılması (...) için metin ve bağlam sentezlemesinin nasıl yapılacağına dair uygulama örnekleri tefsir açısından kıymetli veriler taşımaktadır. (shrink)

The renowned mystical thinker Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240) believes uncertainty (ḥayra) has a higher epistemological value than certainty. This is because certainty is only of ostensible reality, which ignores the true ontological underpinnings of phenomenality. To become cognisant of the reality that palpitates beneath the facade of the sensible world, we only have recourse to uncertainty. Uncertainty makes us realise that all existents are loci of divine manifestation. Nevertheless, God is simultaneously transcendent and immanent, which means we can (...) only know God through discarding the rule of the excluded middle. This, says Ibn ‘Arabī, gives rise to metaphysical uncertainty. Ibn ‘Arabī’s notion of uncertainty was subsequently taken up by an important commentator, Nūr al-Dīn al-Jāmī (d. 898/1492), who systematises uncertainty into different levels and offers an original hierarchy that defines which types of uncertainty are positive and which are negative. (shrink)

The present study attempts to investigate the effect of emotional intelligence, corporate ethical values, and ethical climates on the ethical judgment of auditors in Malaysia. The study used a questionnaire survey comprising instruments on emotional intelligence, 483, 2004), corporate ethical values, 339–359, 1985), ethical climate, and ethical vignettes related to the auditors’ job, 287–306, 1971 and Cohen et al. 1994). A total 263 usable responses were obtained and analyzed using statistical tests of mean score, standard deviation, correlation, and multiple regression. (...) The results reveal that emotional intelligence and corporate ethical values significantly influenced the ethical judgment of auditors. Likewise, instrumental and independence ethical climates have significant effect on ethical judgment of auditors in Malaysia. (shrink)

This study investigates the prophetic tradition in Islam, which states that the fabric of time will become erratic with the coming of the Antichrist. The temporal ontology of one of the most influential philosophical thinkers in the Islamic tradition, Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240), is employed to decode the tradition and expatiate on the nature of time and how it will manifest in the apocalyptic future. Ibn ‘Arabī explains that there are three modalities of temporal reality: ‘the day of (...) rest’ (yawm al-sabt), ‘the omitted days’ (ayyām al-salkh), and the ‘rotary days’ (ayyām al-takwīr). While the first is entirely beyond human perception, the others are not. These three types of days delineate the nature of the future during the apocalyptic days of the Antichrist when the first day of his emergence will be the length of a year, the second a month, and the third a week. (shrink)

The night journey (isrā’) and ascension (mi‘rāj) represent arguably the most significant and unique events in the life of Prophet Muḥammad. However, the influential Sufi thinker Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240) argues that the Prophet had thirty-four night journeys of which only one was physical. This physical night journey, and the ascension that took place with it, was the one in which he was given the five daily prayers. Ibn ‘Arabī thus employs the secondary night journeys and ascensions of (...) Prophet Muḥammad to delineate a point of emulation between the Prophet’s spiritual experience and those of his nation. Muslims can also have their own ascensions, but their journeys cannot be physical, and, analogously, cannot have autonomous legislative authority. They can, nevertheless, cause a change in their perception that allows them to see the world as it truly is: a manifestation of the divine Names. (shrink)

Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240) is arguably the most influential philosophical mystic in Islam. He is also a presentist. This paper responds to the arguments of contemporary philosophers, Norman Kretzmann, William Lane Craig, Garrett DeWeese, and Alan Padgett, who argue that divine atemporality and temporal presentism are incompatible, through the temporal ontology of Ibn ‘Arabī. Ibn ‘Arabī asserts that all entities in the universe are loci of manifestation of God’s most beautiful Names. These divine Names constitute sensible reality. The (...) principal response of Ibn ‘Arabī to the arguments of contemporary scholars is that the divine Names as they are manifested in the cosmos cannot be conflated with the divine Names as they are in themselves, which, in turn, cannot be conflated with God in His numinous essence. This allows him to simultaneously maintain the atemporality of God and temporal presentism. (shrink)

İslam düşünce tarihinin erken dönemlerine kadar uzanan selef olgusunun aksine Selefîlik, son birkaç asırda varlığını hissettiren bir yapı olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. İslam’ın selef nesline dayalı bir biçimde anlaşılması ve yaşanması ülküsünü güden Selefîlik, ortaya çıkışının ardından araştırma ve tartışmalara konu edinilerek birbirinden farklı anlama ve yorumlama çabalarına maruz bırakılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda Selefîliğin selef olgusuyla yani sahâbe, tâbiîn ve tebe-i tâbiîn ile ilişkisi; ehl-i hadis, Hanbelîlik, Ehl-i Sünnet, Vehhâbîlik, ıslahat hareketleri, radikal akımlar hatta Haricîlikle benzer ve farklı yönleri analiz edilmiştir. Ayrıca (...) Selefîliğin Ahmed b. Hanbel, İbn Teymiyye ve Muhammed b. Abdilvehhâb ile bağlantısı; tarihlendirilmesi, tanımlanması ve tasnif edilmesi, bu anlama ve yorumlama çabalarının mihverini oluşturmuştur. Her ne şekilde olursa olsun Selefîlik, özellikle içerisinde bulunduğumuz asırda araştırmacıların dikkatini çekmiş ve son dönemlerde ortaya çıkan dinî-siyasî akımlardan belirgin bir şekilde ayrılacak düzeyde yoğun analizlere tabi tutulmuştur. Ülkemize ek olarak dünyanın büyük bir kısmında Selefîlikle ilgili yayın faaliyetlerinin artarak devam ediyor olması, bu durumun en önemli göstergesidir. Böylece Suûd yarımadasında ortaya çıkarak başta İslam ülkeleri olmak üzere dünyanın büyük bir kısmında yayılım gösteren Selefîlik, her bölgede aynı etki düzeyine sahip olmasa da ilgi açısından başta Türkiye olmak üzere birçok ülkenin dikkatini çekmiştir. Bu durumun neticesinde Selefîlik, son yılların önemli tartışma konularından biri konumunda bulunmakta ve oldukça farklı mecralarda araştırma konusu olarak varlığını sürdürmektedir. Çoğunlukla makale veya tebliğ konusu şeklinde ele alınan Selefîlik, tez ve kitap çalışmalarında da kendisine yer bulmaktadır. Son yılların yazın faaliyetine bakıldığında Selefîlik konusunu ele alan sempozyumların ve özel sayıların da yayımlandığı görülür. Diğer yayın türlerine nazaran Selefîlik konusunu ele alan özel sayıların konuyu daha derli toplu ve konsantre bir şekilde etüt ettiği belirtilmelidir. Özel sayılar, Selefîlik olgusunun belirli ve daha dar bir alanda ayrıca mukayeseli bir biçimde ele alınmasını sağlamaktadır. Bize bu imkânı sağlayan yayınlardan biri de İstanbul Müftülüğü’nün hakemli resmî yayın organı olan Din ve Hayat Dergisinin Selefîlik özel sayısıdır. Derginin 2023 yılının Temmuz ayında yayımlanan 47. sayısı, Selefîlik konusuna hasredilmiştir. Bu sayıda farklı uzmanlık alanlarına sahip 19 akademisyen tarafından Selefîlikle ilgili muhtelif konuları içeren makaleler kaleme alınmıştır. Özel sayı olması nedeniyle kendine özgü hususiyetleri barındıran bu yayın faaliyeti, Selefîlik olgusunun farklı yönleriyle analizi açısından önem taşımaktadır. Bu nedenle makalemizde Din ve Hayat Dergisi Selefîlik özel sayısında yer alan makaleler, inceleme konusu yapılmıştır. Böylece bu özel sayı üzerinden Türk ilahiyat akademyasının Selefîlik birikim ve anlayışının günümüzde geldiği nokta, imkânlar dâhilinde ortaya koyulmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu amaçla makalemizde Selefîlik olgusunun ilgili metinler üzerinden etraflı ve karşılaştırmalı analizine odaklanılmıştır. İlgili analiz faaliyetinin gerçekçi sonuçlara ulaşması adına Selefîlik araştırmalarının en sorunlu yönleri olan tanımlama, tarihlendirme, ilişkilendirme ve konumlandırma gibi hususlar ön planda tutulmuştur. Böylece hem Selefîlik araştırmalarının önümüze çıkardığı sorun alanlarına dikkat çekilmiş hem de bu sorunlara dönük bazı çözüm önerilerinde bulunulmuştur. Tüm bu girişimlerin oldukça yakın bir zamanda kaleme alınan metinler üzerinden gerçekleştirilmiş olması ayrıca önemlidir. Nitel araştırma yaklaşımına dayalı olarak yürüttüğümüz çalışmamızda doküman analizi yöntemi benimsenmiştir. Söz konusu doküman analizi, metinler üzerinde derinleşme ve mukayeseli kaynak kritiği şeklindeki usûl ilkeleriyle somutlaştırılmıştır. İlgili metinlerin kapsamlı ve mukayeseli analizi neticesinde Selefîlikle ilgili araştırmalarda görülen bazı sorunların günümüzde devam ettiği ve bu sorunların tanımlama, tarihlendirme ve ilişkilendirme gibi hususlar etrafında şekillendiği tespit edilmiştir. (shrink)

İslâm tarihi kaynaklarında sahabe arasında yaşanan hadiseler hakkında pek çok rivayet bulunmaktadır. Ancak bu rivayetlerin tamamının sahih olmadığı ehlinin malumudur. Binaenaleyh bu tür tarihî rivayetlerin tahlil edilmesi, tenkide ve kritiğe tabi tutulması gerekmektedir. Çünkü sahabe konusundaki düşünce ve kanaatlerimiz, başta Kur’an’ın anlaşılması olmak üzere İslâm’ın kaynak, kavram ve kurumlarıyla ilgili anlayışımızı belirleyecek ve dinî telakkimize de doğrudan yansıyacaktır. Bu durumda araştırmacıların vazifesi, sahabe ile ilgili rivayetlerin sahih olanlarını tespit etmek ve bu sahih rivayetler ışığında doğru değerlendirmeler yapmaktır. Bu çalışmada, sahabenin (...) önde gelenlerinden Ammâr b. Yâsir hakkındaki bazı haberler, özellikle Halife Hz. Osman’ın ona karşı sergilediği tutum ve tavırlar ile ilgili olarak ilk dönem İslâm tarihçilerinden Belâzürî’nin derlediği rivayetler eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ele alınmakta, sened ve metin açısından tenkide tabi tutularak incelenip değerlendirilmektedir. Bu bağlamda Hz. Osman’ın Ammâr’ı dövdüğüne veya Medine’den sürgün etmek istediğine dair nakledilen rivayetlerin bir kısmının senedlerinin sâkıt olduğu, bazılarının ise sened açısından sahih olmadığı ve daha ziyade Şiî temayüllü olduğu vurgulanmaktadır. Mezkûr rivayetlerin içerik açısından da birbirleriyle uyuşmayıp tenkide ve tartışmaya açık olduğu ve bu rivayetlerden hareketle yapılan yorum ve yaklaşımların sağlam delillere dayanmayıp isabetli olmayan bir kısım iddialardan ibaret olduğu okuyucuların dikkatine sunulmaktadır. Amaç, bazı sahabilerin birbirlerine karşı tutum ve tavırları hakkında daha doğru ve gerçekçi değerlendirmeler yapılmasına imkân sağlamak ve İslâm toplumunda yaşanan bazı sorunların sebep ve sonuçlarının daha sağlıklı tahlil edilmesine yardımcı olmaktır. (shrink)

Dini metinlerde önemine ve faziletine vurgu yapılan ve Müslümanlar tarafından yeryüzündeki üç büyük mescitten biri olarak kabul edilen Mescid-i Aksâ’nın, Kudüs topraklarında bulunduğu hususunda kadim Sünnî kaynaklar ittifak halindedir. Şiiler hariç yirminci yüzyılın ikinci yarısına kadar Müslümanlar arasında Mescid-i Aksâ’nın yerine dair herhangi bir tartışma olmadığı söylenebilir. Ancak bu tarihten itibaren çeşitli gerekçelerle farklı görüşler ve iddialar ortaya atılmış, mezkûr Mescid’in Kudüs’te bulunup bulunmadığı tartışma konusu yapılmıştır. Tespit edebildiğimiz kadarıyla bu tartışmaları başlatan ilk isim, 1953’de konuyla ilgili bir makale kaleme (...) alan İngiliz oryantalist Alfred Guillaume olmuştur. Guillaume, makalesinde bazı gerekçeler ileri sürerek Mescid-i Aksâ’nın Kudüs’te değil Mekke yakınlarındaki Ci‘râne bölgesinde olduğunu iddia etmiştir. Bilahare Türkiye’deki kimi muasır araştırmacılar da gerekçeleri kısmen farklılık arz etse de sonuç itibariyle bu konuda Guillaume ile aynı görüşü paylaşmışlardır. Bu hususta yapılan tartışmaların ve yorumların ne derece gerçekçi olup olmadığını ortaya koymak ve sağlıklı bir değerlendirmeye tabi tutmak, başta İsrâ hadisesi olmak üzere bazı tarihî vak’aların doğru anlaşılması açısından büyük önem taşımaktadır. Binaenaleyh bu makalede, Guillaume’nin Mescid-i Aksâ’nın yerine dair farklı görüş ve yaklaşımları eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ele alınarak değerlendirmeye tabi tutulmaktadır. (shrink)

Peygamberler diyarı Kudüs, İslâm’da özel bir yere ve kudsiyete sahiptir. Müslümanların ilk kıblesi olması ve Allah Resûlü’nün İsrâ gecesinde içine girip namaz kıldığı Mescid-i Aksâ’yı bünyesinde barındırması sebebiyle Kudüs, evvela sahabenin sonra da bütün İslâm âleminin ilgi odağı hâline gelmiştir. Bu makalede, faziletine dair ayet ve hadislerin bulunduğu, tarihî ve manevî değeri yüksek yerlerden biri olan Kudüs topraklarına ve Mescid-i Aksâ’ya gerek Hz. Peygamber döneminde gerekse Hz. Peygamber’in vefatından sonra sahabenin gösterdiği ilgi ve bu ilginin sebepleri üzerinde durulacaktır. Ayrıca sahabenin (...) Mescid-i Aksâ’ya ve İsrâ hadisesine fazla önem vermediğine veya ilgi göstermediğine dair günümüzde ileri sürülen bazı farklı görüş ve iddialar eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ele alınıp değerlendirilecek, bu görüş ve iddiaların ne derece doğru veya tutarlı olduğu ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır. (shrink)

Kadim bir dil olan Arapça, İslamiyet’in gelişiyle birlikte kutsal bir kitap olan Kur’an-ı Kerim’in dili olmuş, günümüze kadar varlığını ve önemini korumuştur. Anadili Arapça olmayanlara bu dilin öğretilmesi için farklı coğrafya ve farklı dönemlerde medreselerde veya devletin resmi eğitim kurumlarında Arapça dersleri verilmiştir. Verilen Arapça eğitimlerinde nahiv ve sarf temelli bir eğitim uygulanmıştır. Gramere dayalı bu dil eğitimi İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerinde verilen eğitimlerle daha ileri bir seviyeye taşınmaya çalışılmıştır. İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerinde verilen Arapça eğitimleri temelde dört (...) beceriyi kazandırma odaklı hazırlanmıştır. Ancak gramer odaklı verilmeye çalışılan Arapça eğitimlerinde hedeflenen başarı elde edilememektedir. Bu araştırmanın konusu, İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerinde okutulan Arapça hazırlık eğitiminin değerlendirilmesi ve bu eğitimin kalitesinin arttırılması için yapılması gerekenlerdir. Bu doğrultuda bu çalışmada Bitlis Eren Üniversitesi İslami İlimler Fakültesi %30 Zorunlu Arapça Hazırlık Sınıflarının 2018-2019 Eğitim ve Öğretim Yılında aldıkları Arapça eğitimi model alınmıştır. Hazırlık Sınıflarında Arapça eğitimi alan 90 öğrenciye 33 sorudan oluşan anket uygulanmıştır. Anket sonuçları değerlendirilmiş ve verilen Arapça eğitiminin kalitesi ortaya konulmuştur. Elde edilen sonuçlardan hareketle, verilen eğitimde eksik ve hatalı durumlar tespit edilerek, eğitimin daha kaliteli bir düzeye ulaştırılması için önerilerde bulunulmuştur. Giriş bölümünde İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerindeki Arapça eğitimi hakkında bilgiler verilmiştir. Sonrasında çalışmanın amacı, önemi, sınırlılıkları, problemi ve örneklem ortaya konulmuştur. Fakültede uygulanan Arapça hazırlık eğitimi hakkında bilgiler verilmiş ve uygulanan anket çalışmaya eklenmiştir. Son olarak bulgular ve yorumlar verilerek çalışma sonuç ve öneriler ile sonlandırılmıştır. (shrink)

Ali Haydar Efendi, son devir Osmanlı âlimlerinden olup döneminin önde gelen hukukçularındandır. Yargı görevlerinde bulunmuş ve yükseköğretim kurumlarında uzun yıllar Mecelle-i Ahkâm-ı Adliyye ve Arazi hukuku derslerini okutmuştur. Dürerü’l-Hukkâm adlı eseri Osmanlı medeni kanunu olarak nitelendirebileceğimiz Mecelle’nin önemli şerhlerinden biridir. Fetva emini olarak kanunlaştırma hareketi içinde yer almış ve komisyonlarda görev alarak başta Kitâbu’n-Nafakât olmak üzere çeşitli kanun taslakları hazırlamıştır. Ali Haydar Efendi, Osmanlı kanunlaştırma çalışmalarında esas alınması gereken kaynağın İslâm hukuku olduğunu savunmuş ve Batı hukukunun iktibas edilmesini tenkit etmiştir. (...) Ona göre Osmanlıdaki problemlerin temelinde şer’î hukuktan kopma yer almaktadır; Şer’î kaynaklara dayanan kanunlar, müktebes kanunlara nazaran her zaman adalete daha uygundur. (shrink)

Este artículo explora la integración de la IA en la comunicación académica para mejorar las capacidades cognitivas humanas. La concepción de la comunicación hombre-máquina (CMM), que considera las tecnologías basadas en la IA no como objetos interactivos, sino como sujetos comunicativos, plantea cuestiones más filosóficas en la comunicación académica. Es un hecho conocido que existe una mayor interacción entre los humanos y las máquinas, especialmente consolidada por la pandemia COVID-19, que intensificó el desarrollo del Sistema de Aprendizaje Adaptativo Individual, por (...) lo que necesariamente se requieren aportaciones de las IN para fortalecer la IA. Esto posicionó a la universidad en la yuxtaposición de asegurar la producción de individuos altamente talentosos que puedan continuar pensando más allá de lo pensable inteligentemente y permitir a los expertos en IA continuar construyendo algoritmos que puedan llevar el desarrollo de la tecnología al siguiente nivel. Para llevar a cabo tal tarea, la producción investigadora es primordial para conectar la universidad y la industria editorial. Este artículo examina de forma crítica componentes importantes e intenta hacer justicia a la emanación de preguntas críticas de los investigadores (NI), alimentando así el desarrollo de la tecnología (IA). (shrink)

In this research, the -dimensional variable-coefficient Caudrey–Dodd–Gibbon–Kotera–Sawada model used in soliton hypothesis and implemented by operating the Hirota bilinear scheme is studied. A few modern exact analytical outcomes containing interaction between a lump-two kink soliton, interaction between two-lump, the interaction between two-lump soliton, lump-periodic, and lump-three kink outcomes for the -D VC Caudrey–Dodd–Gibbon–Kotera–Sawada equation by Maple Symbolic packages are obtained. By employing Hirota’s bilinear technique, the extended soliton solutions according to bilinear frame equation are received. For this model, the contemplated (...) model can be got by multi-D binary Bell polynomials. In addition, the analytical analysis of the high-order soliton outcomes to present the discipline of outcomes. The effect of the free parameters on the behavior of acquired figures of a few obtained solutions for the nonlinear rational exact cases was also discussed. The above technique could also be employed to get exact solutions for other nonlinear models in physics, applied mathematics, and engineering. (shrink)